Before Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas suspended parliamentary elections in Palestine, some observers thought there would be fierce competition for elections that could lead to political change. Some say elections are the only way to achieve national unity and end the Palestinian conflict between Fatah and Hamas, the two main political parties in Palestine.
But a closer look at what was going on in the election race makes a difference. These elections can lead to a “shamocracy” that perpetuates oppression, violence and division.
This is because the two political forces that have dominated Palestinian politics for the past 15 years and are vying for power, have destroyed the Palestinian army, ended their liberation struggle, and increased the more divisive and divisive divide within the Palestinian people.
As a result, for many years, the Palestinian people have been focusing on their own problems and failures, with no political involvement in their area. Indeed, their feeling of nationalism and isolation from their government is another form of oppression similar to that dominated by Israeli colonialists. Palestinians need a government that sets them free instead of enslaving them.
After the election is rescheduled, Fatah and Hamas will again try to control the vote. The worst thing a Palestinian electorate can do is give them a chance to vote for their candidates. This would only intensify their responsibilities and reinforce their oppression, leaving the Palestinians in the lurch for years to come.
But this is not an inevitable result. These elections, despite their serious shortcomings, could be an opportunity for political change in Palestine, if they do not do so differently.
Political leaders who want a real change in Palestinian politics must try to keep the Palestinian people from taking a stand for what is right. He could urge voters to punish two political regimes and create new political leadership.
This will be the first step in responding to them under the auspices of the Palestinian War. Punishment does not mean that Palestine should vote in other elections.
In order to show their denial of what is happening, they can simply vote unconstitutionally labeled “neither Fatah, or Hamas”, “no to the political regime”, “non-corrupt”, or “non-partisan”. With an independent vote, dissenting voices can be joined in the struggle to expose the rulers and parties and send a clear message: “enough disruption of our future work and our future”. This will also help to dispel the Oslo Accords and the political and administrative governments that created them.
Denying, arguing, and collaborating requires exposing the rulers to the public as a necessary reform. These decisions can be used to explain to people the weaknesses of government that they are suffering from. This is an opportunity to change people’s minds and attitudes, which could lead to a change in their attitudes.
For example, Fatah and Hamas in their elections have elevated themselves as “defenders of the work of the Palestinian state” by using the term “government-building” or “resistance”. Now is the time to expose the hypocrisy of the “global defense system”, as it is only a cover for all the corruption and evil that the movement has brought to Palestine.
If the majority of people choose to vote “no” on the issue and cast unconstitutional ballots as an expression of their opposition to the current government, we could reach out to difficult Palestinian political parties. The new and active leadership in Palestine can be used to promote change and to establish a more inclusive, prosperous, and liberal politics in Palestine.
There is already a political process in place that could help a new Palestinian political party emerge, not manipulated by political parties or dependent.
For example, there is the Generation for Democratic Renewal, a youth-led organization founded in February this year, which focuses on rebuilding Palestinian politics on the basis of democracy. The party will not run in the by-elections due to a number of laws and has set up a list of young Palestinian laws that offer political views.
Following Abbas’ announcement to change the election, a youth-led group announced that it would continue with its mission, with the aim of “doing what democracy and political participation should be”.
The Generation for Democratic Renewal is not the first democratically led youth movement. It was led by a few others, who emerged during the Arab uprising in 2011-12, such as the Palestinaans for Dignity.
Co-operative leadership and participation in youth-led groups, as well as their vision of effective, legitimate and accountable leadership in Palestine, are essential elements that existing Palestinian politics lacks. The availability of such progressive ideas could help encourage Palestinian elected ones to stay away from politics.
It is important to note here that real democratic change cannot take place quickly. Political change in Palestine will be delayed, and may require an operational plan and, moreover, more efforts to identify it. It can be built from bottom-up through awareness and encouragement.
This effort requires time, perseverance, resilience, perseverance and a willingness to fight against conflicts, which require training from what has led to youth, especially in the fight against violent and oppressive gangs.
Above all, it requires the commitment of the Palestinian people to reject the politics that are taking place. Such commitment can be demonstrated by the “non-voters” in the event of an election. This will be the first phase of a new democratic process in Palestine.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the editor of Al Jazeera.